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Home Politics

New Hampshire Is Tiny And Pretty Weird. That Could Help Maggie Hassan.

JONATHAN DESVERNEY by JONATHAN DESVERNEY
July 23, 2022
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2022-ELECTIONUPDATE-0722-4×3

ILLUSTRATION BY EMILY SCHERER

We stay in one thing of a summer time doldrums for polling, and the general outlook for November stays about the identical as in current weeks. However polls on the race for Congress have continued to inch barely towards Democrats in what could replicate the affect of the Supreme Court docket’s determination to overturn Roe v. Wade.

Within the Deluxe model of our midterm election forecast, Republicans have a 85 p.c likelihood to win the Home and a 51 p.c likelihood to win the Senate, each largely unchanged from after we launched the mannequin three weeks in the past. In the meantime, within the Traditional model of the mannequin, which sticks to purely quantitative elements and leaves out the knowledgeable race scores revealed by the Cook dinner Political Report and different such teams, Republicans are literally underdogs to win management of the Senate, with a 39 p.c likelihood.

A part of the rationale Republicans are usually not higher positioned within the Senate is that they don’t have a whole lot of simple pick-up alternatives, however one race the place Republicans might achieve traction is the New Hampshire Senate race. Democratic incumbent Sen. Maggie Hassan has led in all however one ballot this 12 months towards a collection of potential Republican opponents, however the GOP shouldn’t write the race off. Hassan’s lead is small in most of those polls, and it’s nonetheless early, with the first not scheduled till Sept. 13.

New Hampshire can also be an uncommon state in that it has some elements that ought to make it comparatively fertile floor to defeat an incumbent, and others that ought to make it a difficult one. So let’s have a look below the hood.

Individuals are pessimistic, and it’s altering our politics

The issue that would assist Republicans most is that New Hampshire — well-known for polling leads that appear to evaporate in a single day, like Barack Obama’s towards Hillary Clinton’s within the Democratic major there in 2008 — is notoriously swingy. I don’t simply imply that it’s a swing state, though it steadily is generally elections. I additionally imply that it has a whole lot of swing voters: average, unbiased voters who cut up their tickets. Take into account that, in 2020, Democratic Sen. Jeanne Shaheen received reelection there by 16 proportion factors, whereas Republican Gov. Chris Sununu was reelected by 32 factors on the identical poll.

FiveThirtyEight measures this with our elasticity index, which is derived from voter-level survey knowledge to replicate how delicate a state is to nationwide tendencies. New Hampshire has an elasticity index of 1.21 — the fourth-highest within the nation — which signifies that for each 1-point shift within the nationwide surroundings, we’d count on New Hampshire to shift by about 1.2 factors as an alternative. So, for example, a 5-point swing towards Republicans nationally would produce a 6-point swing there. That makes Hassan a bit extra susceptible.

What makes a state swingy? Usually talking, essentially the most dependable group of Democratic voters are Black voters, and essentially the most dependable group of Republican voters are evangelical white Christians. New Hampshire is sort of secular and fairly white, so neither social gathering’s base could be very massive there.


JAPAN-US-DIPLOMACY

Likewise, most different high-elasticity states are comparatively nonreligious and have comparatively few Black voters, though states with massive numbers of Latino voters can be fairly swingy, as Democrats are discovering to their dismay.

New Hampshire is a swingy state

FiveThirtyEight’s 2022 state elasticity scores

State Elasticity Rating
Rhode Island 1.29
Hawaii 1.23
Alaska 1.22
New Hampshire 1.21
Vermont 1.15
Massachusetts 1.14
Maine 1.14
Utah 1.11
Connecticut 1.10
North Dakota 1.09
Colorado 1.09
Wyoming 1.08
New Mexico 1.08
Iowa 1.07
Arizona 1.07
Washington 1.06
Nevada 1.06
Wisconsin 1.05
West Virginia 1.04
Indiana 1.04
Michigan 1.03
Nebraska 1.03
Kansas 1.03
South Dakota 1.03
Ohio 1.02
Florida 1.02
Idaho 1.02
Arkansas 1.02
Texas 1.01
New Jersey 1.01
Minnesota 1.00
California 1.00
Pennsylvania 0.99
Oregon 0.98
New York 0.97
Illinois 0.96
Montana 0.96
South Carolina 0.96
Oklahoma 0.96
Kentucky 0.95
Missouri 0.94
Tennessee 0.94
Virginia 0.94
North Carolina 0.93
Louisiana 0.92
Georgia 0.90
Maryland 0.87
Delaware 0.86
Mississippi 0.85
Alabama 0.83

Elasticity isn’t the one issue the mannequin considers, nonetheless. One other is a state’s inhabitants. And in smaller states, the incumbency benefit is bigger.

Should you’re a Senate historical past buff, take into consideration states which have a handful of electoral votes, like Vermont, West Virginia, Hawaii or North Dakota. They have an inclination to have pretty long-tenured senators. Solely 4 senators (Bernie Sanders, Patrick Leahy, Jim Jeffords and Robert Stafford) have represented Vermont since 1975, for instance. (Though Leahy is retiring and never searching for reelection this 12 months.)

Why may the incumbency benefit be bigger in small states? I can assume of some theories. One is that, in a smaller state, it’s simpler for a senator to keep up a robust, private relationship with influential constituents and to be seen in her neighborhood. A second principle is about competitors: In a smaller state, there are fewer extremely proficient politicians with nationwide aspirations, so an incumbent can be up towards weaker opponents, on common.

A 3rd speculation: It’s all concerning the pork. Since every state has the identical variety of senators, a senator from a small state is extra prone to extract concessions in alternate for pork-barrel spending, and this may make them extra well-liked throughout social gathering strains with voters at dwelling (assume Sens. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska or Joe Manchin of West Virginia). Regardless of the cause, the statistical tendency of small-state Senate incumbents to overperform is pretty sturdy, and that is accounted for by our mannequin.

What else helps an incumbent? The weirder a state, the larger the incumbency benefit. OK, I ought to most likely make clear what I imply by “bizarre.” A extra exact time period could be “dissimilar” or “distinctive.”

As a part of our forecast, we apply a course of known as CANTOR that determines which states and congressional districts are most much like each other in line with a wide range of demographic, geographic and political variables — comparable to race, faith, revenue and schooling, inhabitants density, latitude and longitude, and voting conduct in current presidential elections. A state like Hawaii qualifies as distinctive by this course of, for example. It has a far larger Asian American and Native Hawaiian inhabitants than different states, it’s very Democratic, it’s very costly and it’s actually on the market in the course of nowhere within the Pacific Ocean.

New Hampshire counts as considerably distinctive, against this. As I discussed, it’s fairly white and fairly nonreligious relative to the remainder of the nation. It additionally has above-average incomes and schooling ranges however below-average inhabitants density (in the way that FiveThirtyEight measures it). However, it’s towards the center of the highway politically. General, it ranks because the Twenty fifth-most distinctive state. Michigan is the state which most intently resembles the remainder of the nation, against this.

New England is distinctive

States which are least much like different states, in line with FiveThirtyEight’s CANTOR

Rank State
1 Hawaii
2 California
3 Utah
4 Alaska
5 Vermont
6 Massachusetts
7 Wyoming
8 New York
9 Maryland
10 West Virginia
11 New Jersey
12 Mississippi
13 North Dakota
14 Rhode Island
15 South Dakota
16 Idaho
17 Maine
18 Arkansas
19 New Mexico
20 Connecticut
21 Washington
22 Texas
23 Alabama
24 Oklahoma
25 New Hampshire
26 Nevada
27 Montana
28 Louisiana
29 Florida
30 Delaware
31 Oregon
32 Tennessee
33 Kentucky
34 Illinois
35 South Carolina
36 Colorado
37 Georgia
38 Arizona
39 Nebraska
40 Virginia
41 Iowa
42 Minnesota
43 North Carolina
44 Kansas
45 Missouri
46 Pennsylvania
47 Indiana
48 Wisconsin
49 Ohio
50 Michigan

Components that CANTOR considers embody race, faith, age, gender, family revenue, academic standing, voting conduct in current presidential and state legislative elections, proportion of residents born overseas, inhabitants density, geographic area, latitude and longitude.

How might distinctiveness present a bonus to an incumbent? In some methods, the solutions are much like why small states have a leg up. If a state has a inhabitants with distinctive considerations — say, non secular minorities like Mormon or Jewish voters, or a racial minority like Native Hawaiians — incumbents can exhibit competence by serving these populations in ways in which considerably cross social gathering strains and are much less topic to the whims of the nationwide political surroundings.

One other associated principle is that there may very well be a stronger bond between voters and politicians in distinctive states. The politician could also be a member of the minority group, or they might have ties to an business that’s uniquely essential within the state. In the identical sense that you just most likely know a married couple who’re “excellent for each other,” there could also be stronger matching in these instances.

However a statistical measure of distinctiveness is barely nearly as good as its inputs, and there are some issues CANTOR leaves out. Being dwelling to an business like playing in Nevada or coal manufacturing in West Virginia is doubtlessly politically essential, for example, however CANTOR doesn’t take this into consideration.

General, New England is a culturally distinctive area that’s onerous to pin down statistically, however is seen in every part from its delicacies to its intense loyalty to the Boston Crimson Sox. My subjective expertise is that New England is significantly weirder — excuse me, “extra distinctive” — than our metric describes it, and which means New England tends to be fairly loyal to its incumbents. Hassan will hope that sample holds.





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